In the United States, studies have shown that non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic individuals are less likely than non-Hispanic White individuals to receive outpatient mental health care (
1,
2). Key drivers of these differences are thought to operate through systemic and social factors, including structural racism and discrimination (
3) at individual, community, and population levels (
4). One pathway through which structural racism might adversely affect access to mental health care is through diminished opportunities for financial advancement and lower availability of resources, as reflected in education, employment, income, and health insurance (
5). Yet, little is known about recent national racial-ethnic patterns in outpatient mental health care and their relationship to socioeconomic status (
6). Although reducing racial-ethnic differences in mental health service access would decrease downstream disparities in mental health care delivery, after entering treatment, Black and Hispanic patients may also receive less intensive or less effective mental health care than White patients (
7,
8).
The current evidence concerning differences in minimally adequate mental health care shows stronger and more consistent disparities between Blacks and Whites than between Hispanics and Whites (
8–
10). The Health Care for Communities Survey found that Black patients with probable depressive or anxiety disorders were less than half as likely as White patients to receive minimally adequate mental health care (
10). The Midlife Development in the United States Survey (
8) and the National Comorbidity Survey–Replication (
9) yielded similar results. More recently, commercially insured Black patients who received psychotherapy were reported to receive fewer sessions than their White counterparts (
11).
In this study, we aimed to update national population-based estimates of outpatient mental health care for Black, Hispanic, and White people in the United States and reassess their relationship to socioeconomic status. Among individuals receiving mental health treatment, we also report racial-ethnic differences in patterns and adequacy of care. A greater understanding of these two aspects of mental health care might inform efforts to address drivers of racial-ethnic disparities in care. We anticipated that Hispanic and Black individuals would be less likely than White individuals to receive outpatient mental health care and, among those receiving care, that Hispanic and Black patients would be less likely than White patients to receive minimally adequate care.
Discussion
Our findings reveal that in the United States, Black and Hispanic individuals were less than half as likely as White individuals to receive any outpatient mental health care service in a given year. These gaps in service use, which are broadly consistent with observations from earlier epidemiological surveys (
1,
2), were evident across different age groups and both sexes, persisted after we controlled for several potentially confounding socioeconomic factors, and highlight the need for renewed efforts to improve mental health service access for Black and Hispanic people. Beyond marked racial-ethnic differences in access to care, Hispanic, Black, and White people also differed in their likelihood of receiving psychotherapy and psychotropic medications. Contrary to our expectations, however, for several common mental disorders, these groups did not significantly differ in their likelihood of receiving minimally adequate treatment once treatment was initiated. However, persisting racial-ethnic gaps in access to mental health care underscore the need for service reforms to facilitate greater access to timely, appropriate, and high-quality mental health care that is tailored to the culture and context of each patient.
As a result of unjust social and economic policies and practices (
3), substantial socioeconomic differences exist among Black, Hispanic, and White individuals who receive outpatient mental health care in the United States. Relative to White patients, Black and Hispanic patients tended to be younger and to have less education, have lower incomes, and lack employment and were more likely to have public health insurance. Because many mental health specialists (
23), including most psychiatrists (
24), do not accept patients with Medicaid, socioeconomic disadvantages disproportionately restrict the mental health care options available to Black and Hispanic patients.
Among patients receiving treatment for depression, anxiety, or ADHD or disruptive behavior disorders, no significant racial-ethnic differences were found in the likelihood of receiving minimally adequate treatment. Previous reports of Black and Hispanic individuals having lower likelihoods than White individuals of receiving minimally adequate mental health treatment (
8–
10) were likely driven primarily by racial-ethnic differences in access to any outpatient mental health care and only to a lesser extent by differences in service patterns after treatment initiation. These patterns underscore the central importance of maintaining a focus on expanding service accessibility to underserved racial-ethnic groups. Yet, low rates of receiving even minimally adequate care across racial-ethnic groups also raise broader concerns about general deficiencies in the quality and effectiveness of community mental health care. Consistent with pervasive suboptimal care, one nationally representative study recently reported that only 45% of White, 32% of Black, and 28% of Hispanic U.S. adults who were receiving antidepressants for depression were in symptomatic remission (
25).
Among individuals receiving outpatient mental health care, Black and Hispanic patients tended to be less likely than White patients to receive psychotropic medications and more likely to receive psychotherapy. Beyond a general population-wide preference for psychotherapy over pharmacological treatments (
26), Black people, and to a lesser extent Hispanic people, prefer psychotherapy over medications for the treatment of depression more often than do White people (
27–
29). These differences may be partially mediated by racial-ethnic differences in attitudes concerning the etiology of depression, the safety and effectiveness of antidepressants and psychotherapy, and the role of prayer and spirituality in coping with an episode of depression (
23). Because accommodating patient preferences is related to improved treatment adherence and outcomes (
30), the broad alignment of racial-ethnic preferences with observed treatment patterns may capture a degree of responsiveness of clinical services to patients’ preferences. Adapting mental health care to patients’ cultural values and contexts has also been found to increase use and improve outcomes (
31).
Among patients treated for depression or anxiety, Black patients were more likely than White patients to receive antipsychotic medications. In line with this finding, Black patients with Medicaid who initiated treatment for major depressive disorder have also been found to be significantly more likely than White patients with Medicaid to receive antipsychotic medications (
32). The metabolic risks of antipsychotic medications and their small-to-modest effects as adjunctive treatments for major depressive disorder (
33) have prompted concerns regarding overuse of these medications (
34). Higher rates of obesity and diabetes among Black patients, compared with White patients (
35,
36), compound these safety concerns for Black patients and highlight the need to probe the basis of this racial-ethnic variation in pharmacological treatment. Specifically, it is important to evaluate the extent to which differences between Black and White patients in antipsychotic treatment for nonpsychotic disorders represent an appropriate response to variation in illness severity or comorbid diagnoses (
32) or reflect biased clinical overvaluation of psychotic symptoms among Black patients with mood disorders (
37). This currently unexplained difference is a potential target for quality improvement efforts.
In treatment for ADHD or disruptive behavior disorders, Hispanic patients were significantly less likely than White patients to receive stimulants or other ADHD medications. Previous research has documented similar patterns for children (
38). Mental health professionals may be able to better serve Hispanic parents and children by developing partnerships with schools, churches, and traditional healers from whom these individuals may initially seek care (
39) and by implementing culturally sensitive mental health interventions (
40). Consistent with an analysis of Medicaid claims (
41), Black and Hispanic patients with ADHD were more likely than White patients to receive psychotherapy. Because psychotherapy tends to yield smaller effects than stimulants in reducing ADHD symptoms (
42), it is important that all patients and their families be provided with relevant clinical information to make informed choices about available ADHD treatments.
Our analyses had several limitations. First, the MEPS relies on respondent recall and diaries that may underestimate mental health care in a manner that varies across racial-ethnic groups. Second, diagnoses in MEPS are based on respondent reports and are not subject to expert validation. Third, the perceived mental health status measure is only modestly correlated with symptoms of psychological distress (
43), and this correlation may vary by racial-ethnic group (
44) because of differences in mental health literacy, cultural attitudes, stigma, or other factors. Fourth, children and adults, who were combined into a single group to ensure sufficient statistical power, vary in their mental health treatment patterns. Fifth, the analyses did not capture important regional variations in policies, resources, or social conditions that play a central role in health disparities (
45). Sixth, left and right censoring related to the survey year truncated some treatment episodes. Finally, the MEPS provides no information on clinical outcomes, and it is therefore not possible to evaluate associations among race-ethnicity, the adequacy of care, and mental health outcomes.