In 1960, the U.S. Supreme Court case
Dusky v. United States (
1) solidified the importance of evaluating competence to stand trial (CST) for criminal defendants. Highlighting the constitutional principles of the Sixth and Fourteenth Amendments, including the right to face one’s accusers and the right to due process, the case provided the basis for evolving standards within state and federal courts regarding how to proceed when defendants facing criminal charges appear to lack capacity to assist their lawyers in their defense (
2). Subsequent cases emerged that made raising the issue of CST critical when there was any doubt in order to ensure the fairness, dignity, and accuracy of the trial process (
2,
3).
At the same time as the competence issues were being brought to light, several policy changes likely increased the number of people with serious mental illness at risk for involvement in the criminal justice system. For example, the sharp rise in incarceration rates, the war on illegal substances, and the shifting hospital landscape and insufficient funding for community services have represented massive policy shifts in the United States that have created ripple effects throughout social systems and communities. A detailed analysis of each of these issues is beyond the scope of this paper, but a companion review (
4) examines the complexities and challenges of the current “competence system” that has developed over the past several decades, especially as related to demands for CST services that exceed capacity.
This review aims to describe current forensic processes related to CST, outline problems with equating the current competence system with the treatment system, and provide an overview of the sequential intercept model (SIM) applied to the stages involved in CST evaluation and restoration. By exploring these areas, we sought to identify opportunities for interception and diversion (broadly defined as identifying alternative routes toward treatment) for appropriate cases that did not warrant extensive trial processes that necessitate a competent defendant. Such efforts have the potential to reduce the likelihood that individuals with serious mental illness, intellectual and developmental disabilities, and other serious conditions are subject to long waiting periods, often in jail, for forensic processes to occur, especially when there may be no serious charges and no interest in prosecuting the defendants at trial. Using the well-respected framework of the SIM, we provide recommendations to improve and broaden CST processes to include identifying opportunities for diversion, saving competence processes for defendants who are more likely to face trial proceedings.
Forensic Processes Involved in CST
The
Dusky standard established that defendants need to have sufficient factual and rational understanding of the criminal proceedings they are facing and to be reasonably able to rationally assist their attorneys in their defense. Evolving standards of clinical and forensic assessments of defendants’ CST have complemented the demands on courts across the United States to carefully consider how to ensure that defendants meet the legal requirements of the
Dusky standard (
5,
6). Defendants found incompetent to stand trial (IST) are most often those with psychotic disorders or acute mood disorders, followed by those with intellectual and developmental disabilities (
2,
7). Other populations include defendants with dementia and traumatic brain injury causing cognitive or behavioral impairments that impede their ability to participate meaningfully in pretrial proceedings (
8). To help translate clinical findings into compliance with the
Dusky standard and to help inform court decisions related to evaluations on a case-by-case basis (
2), psychiatrists and psychologists helped educate courts and each other by advancing evaluation practices, developing assessment instruments (
9–
12), and refining expectations for more sophisticated forensic reports.
When a defendant is found IST, the criminal matter is paused until competence can be restored or the case reaches a legal conclusion. In 1972, just over a decade after the
Dusky decision, the U.S. Supreme Court again ruled on the rights of defendants found IST, this time focusing on the disposition of these individuals in
Jackson v. Indiana (
13). Theon Jackson had a significant intellectual disability, was deaf and mute, and had been charged with stealing nine dollars’ worth of property. He was ordered to be detained in an Indiana facility for competence restoration until his competence was able to be restored. His attorney appealed this confinement, arguing that it amounted to an indefinite commitment given that Jackson’s CST was determined not to be restorable. The case was heard by the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled on the basis of constitutional equal protection and due process rights that a defendant found incompetent cannot be confined for CST restoration for longer than is necessary to determine whether restoration is possible (
13). After that period, if restoration is not possible, any further involuntary commitment must be justified on other grounds, such as civil commitment for mental illness.
Not all states adopted laws that match
Jackson, but confining individuals for CST restoration and examining the probability of restorability became part of the national forensic practice across jurisdictions (
7). The state hospital became the site most frequently used for restoration services (
2,
14). Clinicians at state hospitals began to incorporate competence restoration into programming and treatment plans with the rationale that this activity was both medically appropriate to help equip identified individuals with additional skills so they would not be disadvantaged and was necessary as the basis for their confinement (
15).
Now decades later, across the United States, many people have been placed on waitlists for admission into state hospitals for competence-related forensic services. Within state hospitals, beds are increasingly utilized for persons found IST who have been court ordered to receive restoration services (
14), and the demand for forensic evaluations has been on the rise (
16,
17). As states examine their data, they have found that defendants charged with misdemeanor crimes or low-level felonies, similar to Mr. Jackson, comprise an increasing proportion of the individuals within the “competence system” (
14). Of further concern, because of the evolving standards requiring competence evaluation and restoration, more individuals (including those with severe symptoms of mental illness, intellectual or developmental disability, traumatic brain injury, substance use challenges, and other clinical factors) are confined in jails across the United States because of backlogs in accessing CST evaluations and restoration services (
14,
16,
18). Although some communities are moving to develop restoration practices outside of state hospitals (
19–
21), the state hospital remains the default location for restoration services (
16,
17,
22). A referral for a CST evaluation or an order for restoration in the current high-volume competence system can therefore become like quicksand for defendants who face waits in jail, fractured access to community services, and further delays in timely case resolution.
One of the complexities of the competency system is that cases originate in local criminal courts and are guided by local practice, but the resources available to evaluate, treat, and restore defendants are usually controlled by the state mental health authority. This arrangement leads to fragmentation of services and, to some extent, to a failure to adequately identify opportunities to improve the competence process. National attention to the challenges of the competence system is increasing. However, solutions will need to address local variables, such as the implementation practices in given jurisdictions, prosecutorial discretion on diversion, level and focus of CST training for court personnel, and availability of mental health services (including psychiatric medications) in different settings.
Problems With Equating the Competence System With a Traditional Treatment System
Although defendants have a right to a speedy trial, when a defendant is found IST, the constitutional rights at stake in trying an incompetent defendant compel courts to stop the trial process. Given the imperatives a restoration order brings to a criminal case, it is logical that the court considers restoration a door to treatment and a way to resolve the very symptoms that led to incompetence. Thus, when a court orders a defendant to restoration treatment, the court may be satisfied that the defendant has been delivered to the treatment system with all needed resources and legal issues addressed. This arrangement incentivizes decisions to order defendants to competence evaluations and traditional restoration services.
The competence system, however, involves an intricate web of clinical and legal decisions that can be difficult to disentangle (
Figure 1). This web differentiates the competence system from traditional treatment services, and increased understanding of it can change the dynamics of some criminal justice approaches. For example, because most competence restoration occurs in locked state hospital units, prosecutors may be satisfied that an order for restoration appropriately addresses the defendant’s treatment needs and pretrial public safety issues. In that scenario, however, legal decisions might be delayed, such as when bail is not attended to as it would be for defendants found competent. Defense attorneys also want to ensure their clients’ trial-related rights are upheld, and a finding of incompetence may satisfy that obligation. Time spent in a locked psychiatric unit counts as time served on a criminal judgment should the defendant return to court and be sentenced to incarceration. This principle can make receiving a favorable disposition easier after the time spent in restoration has passed and can support the idea that the hospital was the right place for the person to receive treatment and spend time. In this way, both prosecutorial and defense strategies might be to pursue hospital-based restoration. In addition, well-meaning court personnel often simply want defendants with mental illness to receive treatment, and they may view restoration as the path to that care.
When an individual is arrested, community mental health service providers typically are no longer involved in his or her treatment. If service providers become aware that the individual in care has been arrested, they might assume that the requirements of the forensic competence process take priority and preclude other alternatives in meeting the client’s needs. In these situations, the defendant found incompetent is served outside of his or her usual treatment system and is ineligible for programs that might serve other defendants, including those established as part of jail diversion programs. Thus, when a defendant is found IST and ordered for restoration, external stakeholders, including community service providers, also generally believe that the defendant will receive the right treatment and that his or her clinical and legal best interests are being met.
Clinical approaches to defendants in the competence system, however, are not the same as in a traditional mental health treatment system. Treatment received to address competence has a different focus. Because of its ties to the court, restoration treatment aims to return the individual to court as a competent criminal defendant (
2,
7,
23,
24). Various studies have examined data to help clinicians determine whether CST can be restored and to advise the court whether the individual has regained capacity to serve as a criminal defendant (
25,
26). As the competence system has evolved, restoration programs have been rigorously redesigned to help defendants understand court process and work with their attorneys (
5,
6), to the exclusion of other aspects of care that might be needed. The competence system’s differences with traditional mental health treatment have further widened because, as part of the “forensic system,” the competence system generally does not intersect with the traditional mental health treatment community or the acute hospital treatment service system. Defendants sent to state hospital forensic services “disappear” from the courts because people operating within the scope of their courtroom role think the forensic system will manage the defendants, provide beneficial treatment, and keep the community safe. They “disappear” from community mental health services because they are housed in the forensic system. Then, after they are considered “forensic patients,” defendants face disparate treatment and increased stigma (
27–
29). Restoration statutes often do not require consideration of a “least restrictive alternative” (
30,
31), implying that all defendants fit into a one-size-fits-all approach that standardizes restoration location, treatment services, and length of program. As noted, some states have developed specialized restoration programs that can be offered in the community for defendants with intellectual and developmental disabilities (
32), and some states are building community-based restoration programs for defendants with mental illness and other conditions (
19,
20). These developments are promising but not yet routine; statutes typically do not require these alternatives and sometimes even prohibit them.
Because defendants in the competence system are routed through jails, courts, and forensic system services and spend time learning about lawyers, judges, and trial strategy, their treatment generally does not address a range of clinical and social needs, such as co-occurring substance use challenges, housing needs, occupational needs and supports, and other important related issues. In addition, before, during, and after restoration, defendants found IST may not be provided access to diversion programs that other defendants might have available. Instead, after competency has been restored, these defendants are returned to jail while awaiting competency case processing, trial, or sentencing. This arrangement leads to more negative outcomes (
33). For individuals ordered to restoration treatment while facing minor charges (
14,
33), restoration can abruptly end with dropped charges or a guilty adjudication and release, with no reentry or linkage services provided. Lack of coordinated reentry and treatment can heighten their risk for return into the forensic or criminal justice system. Although many defendants are released from confinement after their CST has been resolved, many other defendants are held in jail and do not receive continuous care, including needed psychiatric medications, which can lead to decompensation, troubling conditions of confinement, and, ultimately, to a return to court, where the issue of their competence might be raised again (
33). Thus, their passage through the competence system can result in fractured and discontinuous care and does not yield treatment equivalent to the civil treatment system.
With growing demand for competency services, waitlists of defendants referred to the competence system have become the subject of litigation. These lawsuits frequently highlight the conditions of confinement or negative outcomes that have occurred while defendants in need of competence services are on waitlists, including tragic deaths occurring in correctional settings (
18). These issues have drawn attention from civil rights attorneys across the United States and have led to numerous court settlements that mandate reducing wait times and improving timely access to evaluation and restoration services (
16,
18,
34–
36).
The processes of and challenges related to the forensic system are often unfamiliar to many stakeholders. However, it is increasingly recognized that the demands on the competence system hamper its ability to appropriately serve individuals ordered to CST restoration. Some have proposed that defendants with serious mental illness and intellectual and developmental disabilities should, for example, be entitled to reasonable accommodations and alterations of forensic processes under Title II of the Americans with Disabilities Act to better meet their needs in accordance with how mental health services generally should be designed (
37). This proposal might involve avoiding IST judgments in the first place (
37). The applicability of this approach, which is likely to be broad, has not yet been fully tested, perhaps given the constitutional rights involved in CST in the first place. Others have conducted comprehensive reviews of current restoration services and policy implications for the future (
38) that help illuminate how the competence system differs from the traditional civil treatment system and offer a path forward.
Overview of the Sequential Intercept Model in the Competence to Stand Trial Context
The SIM is an additional area of promise to maximize access to appropriate treatment for individuals with behavioral health needs. We propose that defendants in the CST system should be eligible for diversion out of the criminal justice system into alternatives such as mental health courts, specialized probation, and competency dockets and other programs. The SIM (
39) offers a guide for developing and linking such individuals to community-based alternatives to competency processes in particular cases so as to avoid the negative outcomes associated with the current system. We see this shift as a national imperative to improve outcomes among individuals with serious mental illness, intellectual and developmental disabilities, traumatic brain injuries, dementias, and other impairing conditions by properly and efficiently resolving their criminal cases and by providing appropriate and timely access to needed clinical treatment and supports.
Originally conceptualized by Munetz and Griffin (
39), the SIM posits that people with mental illness, overrepresented in the criminal justice system, move through the system in predictable ways. At every step of their cases, from arrest to incarceration and reentry into the community, a series of factors and decisions move the individual either deeper into the justice system or into community-based supports. Munetz and Griffin (
39) call for more-intentional decision making to reduce the penetration of individuals with mental illness in the justice system and to divert them into a robust community mental health continuum of care. By identifying the target population at each intercept point, systems can divert people with mental illness and other impairing conditions that affect cognition and behavior into treatment when that approach is reasonable considering both the criminal charges and public safety. The model originally included five intercept points but has since expanded to six (
40) to include the crisis care continuum and other general community-based supports that can prevent individuals from interacting with the criminal justice system altogether or provide an early diversion option for police and other first responders.
Although defendants who are found IST arguably have the most serious mental health conditions, intellectual limitations, and other behavioral health issues in the criminal justice system, they are rarely considered for diversion, even in communities focused on SIM diversion efforts. As noted above, once the issue of CST is raised, individuals transition to a different system where it is believed that their needs will be met and their trial rights upheld. However, the emphasis on trial-related rights has diminished the emphasis on these individuals’ disability rights (
41) and the Constitutional rights articulated in
Jackson (
13) to have the same access to the range of legal dispositions as others with similar conditions, who are afforded diversion opportunities. Below we highlight opportunities for diversion and alternatives to CST restoration (
Figure 2).