Mental health advance directives are similar in many ways to medical care advance directives. Both types of directives raise similar legal issues. Patients must be competent to execute them. The directives must clearly express patients' wishes. Once a directive is executed, steps must be taken to ensure compliance with it, including adequate dissemination and arrangements to ensure that proxy decisions are consistent with the directive.
This paper describes the types of mental health advance directives currently in use and reviews the current state of theory and research involving these directives. Special emphasis is given to issues of their execution and compliance and the potential impacts of the directives on consumers and providers. When relevant, we refer to the research on medical care advance directives. We also discuss gaps in our knowledge that can be addressed through future research and practice.
Execution of mental health advance directives
A recent study noted that only a few directors of community support programs in state mental health departments reported both awareness of relevant statutes and systematic attempts to promote execution (or creation) of mental health advance directives (
8). However, even in those few states, estimated rates of execution of advance directives for mental health care were less than 2 percent of the consumers served. Low rates of execution of mental health advance directives are consistent with low rates of execution for medical care advance directives (
1).
Research that is relevant to methods for optimizing execution of mental health advance directives is summarized below.
Educational interventions and legal aid.Most interventions to increase rates of executing medical care advance directives have focused on educating patients and physicians (
13). Educational interventions alone have had modest success (
14,
15), raising the rate of completion of advance directives by as much as 15 percent. Educational materials combined with free legal assistance and counseling have generated a completion rate of 50 percent for elderly individuals (
16). This rate is significantly greater than the rate achieved through either education or counseling alone, and it also represents a 100 percent increase over the rate of execution when no advance directive training is provided.
Based on these studies of medical care advance directives, it would appear that the combination of education and legal counseling would be important to optimize rates of execution of mental health advance directives. However, one of these key components—free legal assistance—is often difficult to obtain for adults with severe and persistent mental illness who may be interested in creating advance directives (
8,
9).
Clear, concise training materials. Mental health advance directives need to be clear and relatively free of cumbersome jargon. Fleischner (
7) reported that although many protection and advocacy agencies have developed informative training materials, the resulting mental health advance directives are generally lengthy and complicated. Semistructured advance directive documents, in contrast to open-ended documents, may be one promising method to surmount this problem.
Patient competency. Consumers must be competent to execute a mental health advance directive (
4,
17). Ensuring competency for consumers who have ongoing, fluctuating mental disorders that can affect their abilities to recognize symptoms and incapacity is a complex matter. Furthermore, because mental health advance directives may be executed outside of a clinical context, it may be challenging to corroborate a consumer's competence at the time the directive is executed.
For medical care advance directives, some researchers suggest special competency tests, while others think that a thorough informed consent process is an adequate test (
18). For mental health advance directives, it is likely that specialized competency assessment will be needed both to clearly document an understanding of concepts that are relevant to advance directives and to establish that the consumer was competent at the time of execution.
Involvement of service providers. Efforts to increase the execution of medical care advance directives have targeted physician-patient communication (
13). In fact, some observers have noted that an important function of advance directives in general is to stimulate meaningful communication and treatment consensus between providers, consumers, and family members (
17,
19).
Service providers' involvement in development of mental health advance directives is also thought to be important (
20). However, too much involvement by providers may generate conflicts of interest. In addition, consumer-provider relationships may become strained, and consumers may feel coerced into signing advance directives that include treatment choices made primarily by service providers (
6). Also, service providers often report that they do not have the time necessary to help consumers execute mental health advance directives (
20,
21). Given these issues, it is important to develop methods for execution of mental health advance directives that reduce the burden on treatment providers while still involving providers to increase the collaboration in treatment between consumers and providers.
Designating a proxy. Some consumers may have difficulty finding someone who will act as a proxy, thereby making it difficult for the consumer to create a proxy type of mental health advance directive (
9). Laws typically prevent treatment providers from serving as proxies, and often consumers have no other individual with whom they feel comfortable making their treatment decisions. However, a recent study suggested that 82 percent of individuals completing a mental health advance directive were able to name an appropriate proxy (
22).
Compliance with mental health advance directives
Compliance with mental health advance directives refers to whether treatment providers follow the guidance provided by a directive during a mental health crisis. Very little is known about compliance with mental health advance directives (
23). However, research about compliance with medical care advance directives has suggested some ways to increase compliance with mental health advance directives.
Compliance with medical care advance directives has been far from perfect; treatment consistent with directives has been reported to occur 20 to 50 percent of the time (
18,
24). This modest rate of compliance is surprising because many state laws exempt physicians from liability for complying with advance directives (
1,
12,
23) while exposing them to liability if they do not comply (
25). Some observers have suggested that mental health advance directives may have somewhat higher compliance rates (
4). One pilot study, based on a very small sample, noted that all mental health advance directives used in times of crisis had been honored (
9).
Dissemination. Lack of staff and physician awareness of medical care advance directives (
18) and lack of documentation of the directives are commonly noted reasons for noncompliance (
25,
26). One study showed that medical care advance directives are transferred with a patient to a new facility in only one of every three cases (
18). Heightening awareness of mental health advance directives and disseminating the directives among various treatment providers, such as outpatient, inpatient, emergency room, and crisis services providers, could present even more of a challenge than the dissemination of medical care advance directives.
Vague directives. For medical care advance directives, noncompliance is thought to be partly due to the use of vaguely written directives that do not adequately specify what providers should do in particular situations (
1,
27). On the other hand, directives that are overly restrictive may not be followed because they do not authorize care that providers believe to be appropriate (
18).
Mental health advance directives have the potential to be more clearly and specifically written than medical care end-of-life advance directives because consumers of mental health care probably have already experienced the relevant events, such as being hospitalized and medicated (
28). For example, consumers may describe treatments that have been helpful to them during previous mental health crises. They can also tailor the circumstances under which their advance directive should be activated—that is, when they should be considered incompetent. These circumstances may include signs of symptom exacerbation, such as when someone with periodic manic episodes incurs a high credit card debt (Gallagher E, unpublished manuscript, 1996). This type of specification could lead to earlier treatment than the consumer otherwise would receive.
Proxy decisions. Proxy decisions about treatment have been shown to correlate poorly with patients' stipulated treatment preferences in medical care advance directives, thus undermining compliance (
29,
30,
31,
32,
33). Specific discussion between patient and proxy about medical care advance directives has been shown to increase agreement rates (
1,
34). However, researchers in one study cautioned that even intensive intervention to increase communication about medical care advance directives does not significantly increase compliance (
35). For mental health advance directives, proxy or service provider involvement in presenting and explaining a directive during times of crisis is viewed as critical for compliance to occur (
20,
28).
Limitations of service systems. Shortages of specific services, such as hospital alternatives, that may be requested in mental health advance directives may be a barrier to compliance (
20,
28). Further, service system and managed care constraints on hospital lengths of stay may also pose conflicts with directives that request longer stays rather than more intensive medical intervention.
Treatment refusal versus treatment requests. The legal foundations for refusing treatment using mental health advance directives include common-law rights to autonomy and self-determination and privacy and liberty rights (
23). Thus a relatively strong legal foundation exists for concluding that mental health advance directives preserve a consumer's preference for not having certain treatments that the consumer knows to have been either unsuccessful or psychologically or physically harmful (
6,
12).
Under current laws, executing a mental health advance directive cannot prevent an individual from being involuntarily committed (
4,
12). However, mental health advance directives may prevent some inpatient commitments by suggesting less restrictive alternatives tailored to the individual's needs (
8) that may not otherwise have been known or recommended by treatment providers. Further, mental health advance directives can affect treatment decisions during hospitalization (
8,
23).
Mental health advance directives can be used to request preferred treatment. Rosenson and Kasten (
36) noted that often consumers who ask for specific treatments, medications, or even hospitalization without advance directives are turned down because they are considered not to need the treatment. Mental health advance directives may help support treatment preferences for these individuals. At least one case partly supports these assumptions. In
Angliss v. Western State Hospital (
37) a patient was awarded $600,000 when he had requested clozapine in his mental health advance directive but received other, less-well-tolerated neuroleptic drugs. However, the case was later dismissed on appeal.
Consumers who have executed a mental health advance directive may also be able to voluntarily receive inpatient treatment they might not otherwise obtain (
37). For example, Oregon's law allows mental health advance directives to specify advance consent to a 17-day hold, except in the case of emergency hold or commitment (
9). By describing the circumstances under which a consumer wants to be admitted to a hospital and the preferred treatment, a consumer may actually expedite hospital admission and treatment provision.
Revocation of advance directives. Consumers may want to design an irrevocable mental health advance directive so that they cannot override treatment preferences expressed while competent during times when they are not competent and may refuse the treatments (
4). This type of advance directive can, in some ways, be considered a "Ulysses contract" (
23,
38,
39). The term "Ulysses contract" is derived from the mythical Ulysses in Homer's
Odyssey, who asked his shipmates to bind him to the ship's mast and keep him there regardless of any requests he might subsequently make to be taken down. By entering into a contract with his men that he could not later revoke, Ulysses severely limited his future freedom to act. Though sorely tempted, he could not order his men to follow the voices of the sirens to their collective destruction.
One case report supports the enforceability of Ulysses contracts within a mental health context. Epstein and colleagues (
40) described the case of a woman who repeatedly refused to have surgery due to overwhelming anxiety. She devised an advance directive to have anxiolytics administered even if she later refused to have the surgery. In addition, she appointed her husband as a proxy to carry out her wishes as she expressed them in the advance directive. Nonetheless, courts have generally been reluctant to uphold such irrevocable Ulysses contracts when challenged (
23,
38,
39).
As noted, the Ulysses contract implies that the consumer cannot revoke the mental health advance directive when incompetent. In states that have adopted specific statutes about mental health advance directives, all note the irrevocability of the directive after loss of capacity. In states without such statutes, the necessity of competency for revocation of mental health advance directives is less clear (
7). One example of this issue is the case of
Rosa M., in which the court upheld a New York woman's revocation of her prior consent to be given ECT (
4). The court determined that she was indeed competent to revoke her consent.
However, even if a mental health advance directive is revoked, service providers or a court may need to make a treatment decision for a patient based on a substituted judgment standard (
41). In such a case, it is likely that the court would review the mental health advance directive to help it make the decision that the patient would have made if competent.
Other legal and ethical constraints. Mental health advance directives are unlikely to be upheld if they specify "unreasonable" treatments. For example, a provider may not comply with the advance directive if he or she does not ethically or professionally agree with the proposed treatment (
10), if the specified treatment involves illegal or unapproved drugs, or if the treatment is beyond the consumer's financial resources (
11).
Some consider the fact that mental health advance directives may be legally overridden under certain circumstances to be so detrimental to consumers that it outweighs the potentially positive effects of the directives (
8). Despite this problem, some consumer advocates suggest that if mental health advance directives are ignored, consumers are no worse off than they would have been had they not executed an advance directive (
9).
Potential effects of mental health advance directives
Given the dearth of research about execution of mental health advance directives and about compliance with them, it is not surprising that very little is known about their effects. However, a number of authors have surmised possible effects, which are briefly described below within a four-level model of intrapersonal, interpersonal, organizational, and service system effects (
42).
Intrapersonal level. By affirming consumers' legal right to make treatment decisions (
5,
10), execution of and compliance with mental health advance directives may enhance consumer empowerment, respect, autonomy, self-determination, and perceived choice of treatment (
8,
9,
36; Gallagher E, unpublished manuscript, 1996). Consumer functioning and symptom reduction may also be enhanced by compliance with mental health advance directives that results in treatment consistent with consumer motivation and choice (
12,
43,
44; Ridgway P, unpublished manuscript, 1988). In general, research suggests that having choice and control over important life decisions, such as the selection of treatment or housing, is critical to physical and psychological well-being. For example, housing choices have been linked to improved health status of elderly individuals (
45,
46) and improved residential stability and life satisfaction for people with serious and persistent mental illness (
47).
Interpersonal level. The communication of consumers' preferences through a mental health advance directive may potentially improve family relationships because it may prevent quarrelling about treatment decisions (
9,
12). In addition, the treatment alliance between consumers and providers and the involvement of consumers in treatment decisions should be enhanced by the communication and problem solving between consumers and their treatment providers that is involved in execution of mental health advance directives (
9).
Organizational level. Having consumers execute mental health advance directives at a community mental health agency could affect the agency's values or "social climate" (
48). Because execution of mental health advance directives enhances consumer choice and control, routine execution of the directives in a community mental health center may increase the agency's tolerance of consumer autonomy and independence in making decisions about treatment (
8,
9).
Service system level. Compliance with mental health advance directives that specify interventions warranted for early warning signs of symptom exacerbation may prevent further decompensation and hospitalizations (
8,
9,
36). Use of mental health advance directives may also reduce court time and costs (
8,
12), especially if they reduce the need to designate court-appointed guardians or to determine competence in a judicial proceeding (
9,
12).
Because mental health advance directives allow specific treatments to be refused or requested in advance, some observers have hypothesized that they lead to more expeditious care, thus reducing lengths of hospital stay (
6,
8,
9,
23). On the other hand, if a consumer uses an advance directive to request less intensive intervention or to refuse treatments that could facilitate early discharge, the directive may serve to increase lengths of stay. This scenario highlights the conflict between the rights of individuals to choice and autonomy versus the social and economic costs to society generated by consumers who cannot be discharged because they refuse treatments that would likely permit discharge.