Individuals at “clinical high risk” for psychosis are those experiencing recent attenuated psychotic syndromes or other indicators of susceptibility during adolescence or young adulthood, a key period of risk for first-episode psychosis (
1). As only 25% of these individuals develop a formal psychotic illness in the years after identification (
2), false-positive identification of psychosis risk syndromes limits the capacity of psychosis prevention efforts (
3). Evidence suggests that recent trends toward drawing putatively high-risk research participants from the general, non–help-seeking population contributes to the high rates of false positives (
4). In conjunction with the developing consensus that high-risk syndromes warrant clinical attention regardless of eventual psychosis (due to frequently high levels of distress and impairment;
5), these findings raise questions about the most appropriate ways to identify individuals on a path toward worsening prognosis. The use of brief, self-report screening instruments prior to clinical assessment referral may contribute to an efficient and cost-effective solution to this problem (
6). Self-report screens can indicate one’s probability of meeting high-risk criteria once fully assessed (
7) and have strong validity in the prediction of subsequent psychosis (
8).
Given that normative experiences and item interpretation can vary as a function of factors related to race, ethnicity, and culture, validation of instruments designed to capture psychological and behavioral abnormalities requires close examination of an instrument’s performance across different racial and cultural backgrounds (
9). Historically, many psychometric instruments lack sensitivity to important cultural factors (
9–
14), suggesting that the validity of psychosis risk instruments may differ between members of racial-ethnic majority and minority populations (
10,
15). This problem can contribute to sociodemographic health disparities by limiting the benefits of screening, including early intervention, for members of racial-ethnic minority groups (
16,
17).
Decades of research demonstrate that black individuals are more likely than white individuals to be misdiagnosed as having schizophrenia (
18–
20), further compounding what may be an actual underlying disparity in prevalence rates (
21,
22) and quality of treatment (
23). Given the importance of early detection and intervention in curbing the burden of serious psychopathology (
24,
25), these findings highlight the need to develop screening tools that can signal emerging psychosis among black, help-seeking youths, who may be at risk of both an eventual misdiagnosis of schizophrenia and—paradoxically—the onset of an actual (not misdiagnosed) psychotic disorder.
This study aimed to determine whether the Prime Screen, a commonly used self-report prescreen for clinical high-risk criteria, performs equivalently across black and white help-seeking youths. Building from literature demonstrating limited cultural sensitivity of many psychometric instruments (
9,
10,
14) and extending previous work suggesting a strong predictive relation between Prime Screen scores and clinical high-risk status, we examined whether the relation between the Prime Screen and clinical high-risk status was weaker among black participants relative to white participants. To address the possibility that differences in self-rated symptoms could be explained by group differences in levels of clinician-rated psychopathology, clinician bias, or disparities in socioeconomic status (
26), we examined rates of high-risk diagnoses across racial groups, the magnitude of relations between Prime Screen scores and clinician-rated positive symptom severity, and whether family income accounted for any differential relation between Prime Screen scores and risk status. In exploratory analyses, we examined the specific Prime Screen items that may contribute to any observed racial differences.
Results
A total of 108 participants (clinical high-risk group, N=43; help-seeking control group, N=65) were included in the analyses, similar in size to several other psychosis-risk screening studies (
6). Of the participants, 58 were black and 50 were white (
Table 1). Because of incomplete research procedures, Prime Screen scores were missing for eight participants, the sum of SIPS positive symptoms scores was missing for 2, and family income data were missing for 11. Data were excluded pairwise per analysis. The continuous variables of interest displayed acceptable skew and kurtosis (i.e., <2 [
33]) (
Table 2). Black participants were on average younger than white participants (t=2.68, df=106, p=.009) and were less likely to have a mood disorder (N=41, 47%, versus N=34, 68%; χ
2=5.03, df=1, p=.025). Age (r=–.26, p=.008) and mood disorder (t=−2.18, df=105, p=.032) were related to Prime Screen cutoff scores and were considered covariates. The race groups did not differ on any of the other demographic or clinical variables.
As demonstrated in
Table 1, the race groups did not significantly differ on rates of high-risk diagnoses or on the severity of Prime Screen cutoff scores or attenuated positive symptoms. Results from a moderated logistic regression, however, revealed a significant interaction between race and Prime Screen cutoff scores in the predicted probability of meeting high-risk criteria (
Table 3). Simple effects analyses suggested that higher Prime Screen cutoff scores significantly increased the probability of meeting these criteria for white but not black participants. The effect remained significant when the analyses controlled for household income, age, and mood disorder (b=–.51, Wald χ
2=4.66, df=1, p=.031, Exp[B]=.60, 95% confidence interval=.38–.96; see Table S1 in the
online supplement). When participants who met criteria for a formal psychotic disorder were included in the high-risk group, the pattern of findings remained the same (see Table S2 in the
online supplement).
Table 4 shows means and standard errors of individual Prime Screen item scores, plus results of 2×2 (race × risk status) and within-race ANCOVAs comparing scores on each item across groups (controlling for family income, age, and mood disorder). These analyses sought to determine which Prime Screen items accounted for the differential response pattern among black and white participants, described above. Statistically significant race × risk status interactions were observed for six items (items 1, 2, 5, 6, 8, and 9). For black youths, mean differences between high-risk and help-seeking control groups were substantially smaller (items 1 and 5) or in the opposite direction (items 2, 6, 9, and 12) than was seen among white participants. For these latter items, black participants in the help-seeking control group scored numerically higher than black youths at risk.
Within-race contrasts explored risk group differences on Prime Screen items separately among black and white participants (
Table 4). White participants in the control group consistently scored lower than white youths at high risk, whereas a mixed pattern of results was observed among black youths, with black participants in the control group frequently endorsing items at a level comparable to or even numerically greater than those at risk. In the combined sample, sensitivity and specificity of the Prime Screen were .43 and .90, respectively. Splitting by race, these values were .27 and .90, respectively, for the black group and .61 and .90, respectively, for the white group.
A linear regression predicting the sum of positive symptoms from race, Prime Screen cutoff scores, and their cross product revealed no significant interaction, suggesting that the relation between participant-rated Prime Screen scores and clinician-rated positive symptom severity (irrespective of one’s clinical high-risk status;
Table 2) was roughly equal across black and white participants.
Discussion
We found that the Prime Screen, a frequently used self-report assessment of clinical high-risk criteria, did not reliably distinguish between black help-seeking youths who were at risk of psychosis and those who were not, even though it did distinguish these groups among white participants. The findings were not explained by differences in income, age, mood disorder, rates of clinical high-risk diagnosis, or clinician-rated symptom severity. Item-level analyses suggested a differential performance across race for most items, suggesting a relatively widespread versus item-specific effect.
A long history suggests that many psychometric instruments do not perform equivalently across cultures (
9–
14). Instruments may not measure the same constructs across racial-ethnic groups, may use language that conveys different meaning across these groups, or may concern constructs that are more familiar to some groups than others (
34). Questionnaires may be inherently subject to certain of these limitations. The Prime Screen, for example, was designed to convey risk level mental experiences by adding contingency words (e.g., “I
think that I have
felt…” [italics added]), a convention that may have differentially influenced responses across race. Questionnaires also may restrict the opportunity to provide important contextual information associated with endorsements, such as the degree of associated distress or impairment. By contrast, diagnostic interviews allow clinicians to use age- and culturally appropriate language and to clarify the circumstances surrounding endorsements. The addition of a distress scale to the Prime Screen, as included in a similar measure (the Prodromal Questionnaire–Brief; PQ-B), may partly address this issue.
We found that Prime Screen scores among black participants in the help-seeking control group more closely resembled those of participants at clinical high risk (black or white) than those of white participants in the help-seeking control group. Notably, the frequency of high-risk diagnoses and the severity of clinician-rated positive symptoms did not differ between racial groups. These findings are important because they suggest that the black youths in our sample appear highly symptomatic when only their self-reported Prime Screen scores are considered. Following a structured interview administered by a trained diagnostician, however, it appears that black and white participants in this sample do not differ significantly in their clinical level of psychosis risk. Given the history of misdiagnosis of schizophrenia among black individuals, reduced access to health screening and high-quality treatment (
16–
19), and generally high levels of discrimination and risk factors for psychosis to which people of color are often exposed (
22,
35,
36), these findings highlight the need to carefully consider the most appropriate referral and treatment options for black youths who, based on these and other findings, are at increased risk of inappropriate referral, diagnosis, and intervention.
An alternative explanation for our results is that Prime Screen ratings were a more accurate measure of psychosis risk than the SIPS among black participants in the help-seeking control group, but the SIPS clinicians did not accurately rate psychosis-risk symptoms, potentially because of limitations of the instrument or cultural differences between participants and the majority white clinicians. This possibility is unlikely, however, given that all clinician-measured indices of psychopathology among black participants were either equal to or lower than those of white participants, including SIPS-rated positive symptoms, rates of high-risk diagnosis, and DSM diagnoses; formal psychotic disorders are frequently overdiagnosed among black individuals, in contrast with the roughly equal rates of high-risk diagnoses we observed; and clinicians were blind to participants’ Prime Screen scores during assessment. Therefore, our results point to the screen as the primary source of inaccuracy in assessment.
Two general population studies recently found evidence of measurement invariance across multiple racial-ethnic groups for the PQ-B, another tool designed for psychosis-risk screening (
37,
38). Although these results may appear to contrast with ours, a critical distinction between these studies and ours is that only our study assessed participants with both a screening instrument and the gold-standard SIPS. Notably, black and white participants in our pooled sample did not differ on their Prime Screen cutoff scores; only when the clinician-rated risk status was considered did a differential response pattern emerge between racial groups. Given that we observed such a pattern for nearly all Prime Screen items, our results suggest that this instrument may not capture the same constructs across racial or cultural populations. The field would benefit from studies incorporating measurement invariance analysis of multiple psychosis-risk screening instruments with direct comparisons against gold-standard assessments.
A strength of our study was its use of a clinical control group to assess the performance of the Prime Screen, a screening tool used in real-world clinical settings. Relative to “healthy controls,” control groups made up of help-seeking individuals are optimal comparators in studies like ours because they are more clinically representative of the population for which the instrument was designed (
39,
40). Nonetheless, the participants in our sample at clinical high risk tended to have more
DSM diagnoses than the help-seeking control participants, suggesting greater overall illness severity. Although specificity estimates of the Prime Screen were excellent and our main findings held after adjustment for racial differences in mood disorder, because black participants on average presented with fewer
DSM diagnoses than white participants, it remains possible that general illness severity contributed to the differential performance of the Prime Screen.
With federal funding for clinical high-risk intervention programs, large-scale dissemination of screening tools is underway. Findings from this study may inform these efforts, but our relatively small sample may not generalize to larger programs with more inclusive recruitment strategies or a broader range of sociodemographic characteristics. Our requirement that participants had already contacted a mental health care provider, for example, likely distinguishes our sample from individuals whose initial psychosis-risk assessment may be their first lifetime contact with services; it is also possible that referral patterns were differentially distributed across clinical or racial groups in our study. Given that screening thresholds may vary by help-seeking status (
41) and referral source (
42), identifying interactions between idiographic factors such as these may advance early identification efforts.
It is important to consider that self-reported race is only a crude proxy for numerous cultural, historical, geographic, and socioeconomic factors (among many others [
43]) that may influence a person’s mental health status or response to questionnaires. Community studies designed to carefully measure these factors would allow researchers to tease apart their relative influences on psychosis-risk screening in ways that our study could not; they may also have enhanced ability to detect influences on racial-ethnic cultural subgroups (e.g., specific Caribbean, African, or European descent). A valuable approach may be to develop a maximally and cross-culturally effective screening tool based on combinations of items from previously validated psychosis-risk questionnaires. Qualitative interviews with respondents of varying backgrounds may help to promote development of novel screening items.